A new beginning - Bhutan Moves Out Of The Indian Shadow

Salman Haidar
The Statesman, 14 February

The newly enthroned King of Bhutan has just concluded his first visit to New Delhi. In the style of his father and predecessor, the King preferred to do without the pomp and fanfare of a state occasion, choosing instead to come on a private visit. Nevertheless, important business was transacted. Most significant was the signing of a fresh treaty to update and replace the treaty of 1949 that hitherto, for formal purposes at least, defined the basis of state relations between the two countries. With that, a new era of India-Bhutan relations has been initiated to mark the changing of the guard in Thimphu. The 1949 treaty has been described as a colonial holdover.

More correctly, it should be regarded as a product of its time, that is, the early years after Independence. For Bhutan, the tie with India had become central to its welfare. Traditionally isolationist, it had no aspiration to an international role that could expose it to risk and uncertainty, so when the British left, its immediate task was to consolidate relations with the new rulers of independent India.

Stable ties

New Delhi, too, amidst its myriad other preoccupations at a time of stress and challenge, sought nothing more than stable relations in this corner of the Himalayas. For both, the obvious course was to largely continue what had gone before and to conclude a treaty on that basis. No eyebrows were raised at the time by the limitations the treaty placed on Bhutan by requiring it to accept India’s ‘guidance’ in its foreign relations and to obtain all its arms supplies from that source: such restrictions were not regarded as an unusual quid pro quo for the many political and economic benefits that the treaty provided for Bhutan. But it was not long before notions of sovereign equality as embodied in the Charter of the United Nations became a universal nostrum and had their impact everywhere, including Bhutan. Progressively, the ‘guidance’ clause began to look like an anachronism and Bhutan sought ways of affirming itself as an independent entity, proceeding not through confrontation with India ~ that has never been its way ~ but through steadily enlarging its area of autonomous action. Membership of the Colombo Plan (now scarcely remembered) and the Universal Postal Union were stepping stones towards membership of the UN itself, which implied attaining equal status with all the other members, including India. The same message, more explicitly stated, is contained in the charter of the regional organisation SAARC to which both India and Bhutan belong.

Thus quite some time ago Bhutan had moved out of the Indian shadow and claimed the ability to conduct its own relations with the outside world, the 1949 treaty notwithstanding. All this was achieved with India’s acquiescence and support, so even as Bhutan became more visible internationally, it preserved the quality of its ties to India. These ties meanwhile expanded enormously and became the foundation of Bhutan’s fast development and current prosperity. The good sense and good management shown by both sides meant that the 1949 treaty, which could have become a real bone of contention, in effect withered away, and its replacement by a more appropriate document during the King’s visit did no more than iron out a few wrinkles that both sides were ready to remove. Formally, there is a considerable change with the new treaty; in practice, very little ~ though formalities do matter and it is well that they have been sorted out.

Looking to the future, there are still some unfinished bits of business from earlier days to be addressed. Chief among these is the Indian military training presence in Bhutan. The revised treaty gives greater leeway for Bhutan to make its own provision for defence supplies, which could affect the role of India’s training team. As with the matter of expanded diplomatic projection, one can anticipate a carefully controlled transition that preserves the basic elements that both sides value while removing what has become unnecessary. An example is provided by the experience of the Indian Border Roads Organisation that pioneered the building of motorable roads in the mountains of Bhutan and remained the only agency engaged in this task for many years. However, as Bhutan acquired the trained personnel and the resources to take on the task itself, the Indian organisation progressively reduced its operations and its establishment. A sensitive relationship for Bhutan to manage is with China. The country is a buffer between the two Asian giants of India and China and has had to steer a careful course to avoid getting entangled in their differences. For many years, Bhutan chose to avoid all contact northward with Tibet, a traditional partner, as the drastic changes imposed by the Chinese communist state led to turmoil culminating in the flight of the Dalai Lama in 1959. But as the Himalayan region became calmer, relations revived to some extent. By the 1980s Bhutan was able to develop direct contact with China in order to try to settle differences about the proper alignment of their border. No major territorial issues are involved but a settlement is still to be attained despite several rounds of discussions over many years. The matter of border trade between the two sides has also come into consideration. Tibet is on a growth path and the benefits of trading with it will increase, and as India reopens its own border trade across the Himalayas, pressures within Bhutan to follow suit will arise. Yet the sensitivities of the relationship remain and to manage it successfully remains a considerable challenge.

Own judgment

The handling of external policy will no doubt attract maximum attention abroad, especially in India, but Bhutan’s own preoccupations lie elsewhere. The country faces a major transformation as it prepares to adopt a brand new democratic constitution and conduct nationwide elections, with a concomitant change in the role of the monarchy. This is a tremendous enterprise that will absorb the energies of the country in the coming years. Nobody has prompted Bhutan to choose to transform itself into a constitutional monarchy ~ indeed, the likelihood is that its friends and those who wish it well would have advised against a swift transition. In its own judgment, however, the country is now ready to move from personalised rule by a single authority to democratic rule by elected representatives.

This endeavour merits full support from Bhutan’s friends, especially India, with which its ties are strongest. The King’s visit and the new treaty reaffirm the traditional good relations between the two countries which should serve as an active support to Bhutan in the great enterprise on which it is embarking.

The author is India’s former Foreign Secretary